iiiii^^Ji^jliM!^^!^'^ 




Glass _ 



£3.141 



Book 



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THE CRISIS, 

AN APPEAZ. 

TO THE 

GOOB SEXSE OF THE NATIOJ^, 

AGAINST THE 

SPIRIT OF RESISTANCE 

AND 

SISSOZ.UTXON OF TBS UNION. 

kA -i_i /'\ ~"'M>e « « «—■■ 

" Ambitious men of inferior talents, finding tiiet have no hope to be distin- 
" guished in the councils of the national government, naturally wish to increase 
" the power and consequence of the state governments, the theatres in which they 
" EXPECT TO AcauiRE DISTINCTION. It IS not, therefore, a regard for the rights of the people, and 
" a real apprehension that those rights are in danger, that have caused so much to be said on the subject 
'^ of prostrate state sovereignties and consolidated empire. It is the ambition of that class of polili- 
" cians, who expect to figure only in the state councils, and of those states who are too proud to acknow- 
" ledge any superior." — The Hon. George M'Duffie, member of Congress from South Carolina. 

" He must HAVE READ THE LESSONS OF HISTORY TO LITTLE PURPOSE, WHO DOES NOT PER- 
" CEIVE THAT THE PEOPLE OF PARTICULAR STATES ARE LIABLE TO FALL, OCCASIONALLY, INTO 
" A DANGEROUS AND MORBID EXCITEMENT UPON PARTICULAR SUBJECTS; AND THAT UNDER THIS 
" EXCITEMENT, THEY WILL IMPEL THEIR RULERS INTO THE ADOPTION OF MEASURES IN THEIR 
" TENDENCY DESTRUCTIVE TO THE UnION." — Idem. 

" If, after the National Judiciary have solemnly affirmed the constitutionality of a law, it is still to be 
" resisted by the state rulers, the constitution is literally at an end; a revolution of the government is 
" already accomplished; and anarchy waves his horrid sceptre over the broken altars of this happy 
" Union.'"— Idem. 

" We prize the federal government as our bond of union; as that which constitutes us one peo- 
" pie; as preserving the different states from mutual jealousies and wars, and from separate alliances 
" with foreign nations; as mitigating party spirit; in one word, as perpetuating our peace. So great, 
" so inestimable is this good, that all other benefits and influences of the federal government seem 
" to us as nothing." — Christian Examiner, Vol. VI. p. 153. 

" It pi-cservcs us from Wasting and destroying one another. Ii preserves relations of peace among 
" communities, which, if broken into separate nations, would be arrayed against one another in perpe- 
" TUAL, MERCILESS, AND RUINOUS WAR. It indeed contributes to our defence against foreign states; 
" but still more, it defends us from one another." * » « ^^^ ourselves we fear, that 

" bloody and mournful A3 human history is, a SADDER PAGE THAN HAS YET BEEN WRIT- 
" TEN MIGHT RECORD THE SUFFERINGS OF THIS COUNTRY, SHOULD WE DIVIDE OURSELVES INTO 

" SEPARATE COMMUNITIES. We fear that our country, in case of disunion, would be broken into 
" communities, which would cherish towards one another singularly fierce and implacable enmi- 
" ties."— Idem, p. 148. 

" Once divided, we should form stronger bo/ids of union with foreign nations than with one another. 
" Europe would avail itself of our broken condition, to establish an influence among us; belligerents 
" would try to enlist U3 in their quarrels; our eagerness for commercial favours and monopolies 
" would lay us open to their intrigues; we shouldbe willing to receive aid from abroad; and distant na- 
" tions would labour to increase our dependence upon themselves by inflaming and dividing us against 
" each other: these are considerations too obvious to need exposition,and as solemn and monitory as 
" they are clear. From disunion WE SHOULD REAP, IN PLENTIFUL HARVESTS. DE- 
» STRUCTIVE ENMITIES AT HOME, AND DEGRADING SUBSERVIENCY TO THE 
" POWERS OF EUROPE."— Idem, p. 150. 

" Our neighbour's good would become to us a curse. Among such communities, there could be no 
" love, and woiddbe no real peace. To obstruct one another's growth would be deemed the perfection 
" of policy. Slight collisions of interest, which must perpetually recur, would be exaggerated by 
"jealousy and hatred into unpardonable wrongs; and UNPRINCIPLED STATESMEN 
" WOULD FINP LITTLE DIFFICULTY IN SWELLING IMAGINARY GRIEVANCES 
" INTO CAUSES OF WAR."-Idem, p. 149. 

^ PHILABELPHIA: 
PRINTED BY WILLIAM F. GEDDES, 

VO. 9 I,IBIIAR¥ STREET. 

July 11, 1832. 
GRATUITOUS. 



If ,■ — ^ 
THE CftlSIS. 




AN AFFSAI. 

TO THE 

OOOB SEKSE OF THE I^ATIOIV, 

AGAINST THE 

SPIRIT OF RESISTANCE 

AND 

DISS02.UTI0N" or THS UNION. 

—••»►»© ® ©«»*— 

" Ambitious men of inferior talents, finding they have no hope to be distin- 
" guisiied in the councils of the national government, naturally wish to increase 
" the power and consequence of the state governments, the theatres in which they 
" EXPECT TO ACQUIRE DISTINCTION- U is 7iot, therefore, a regard for the rights of the people, and 
" a real apprehension thai those rights are in danger, that have caused so much to he said on the subject 
" of j^roslrate state sovereignties and • onsolidated emjnre. It is the atnhition of that class of politi- 
" cians, who expect to figure only in the >.!ute councils, and of those states who are too proud to acknovo- 
" ledge any superior." — The Hon. Gec.ge M'Duflie, member of Congress from South Carolina. 

" He MUST HAVE read the lessons of history to little purpose, who DOES NOT PER- 
" CEIVE that the PEOPLE OF PARTICULAR STATES ARE LIABLE TO FALL, OCCASIONALLY, INTO 
" A DANGEROUS AND MORBID EXCITEMENT LPON PARTICULAR SUBJECTS; AND THAT UNDER THIS 
" EXCITEMENT, THEY WILL IMPEL THEIR RULERS INTO THE ADOPTION OF MEASURES IN THEIR 
" TENDENCY DESTRUCTIVE TO THE UnION." — Idem. 

" If, after the National Judiciary have solemnly affirmed the constitutionality of a law, it is still to he 
•' resisted by the state rulers, the constitution is literally at an end; a revolution of the government is 
'• already accomplished; and anarchy waves his horrid sceptre over the broken altars of this happy 
• TTniori!'" — Idem. 
" We prize the federal government as our bond of union; as that which constitutes us one peo- 
ple; OS preserving the diffeirnt states from mutual jealousies and wars, and from separate alliances 
" icith foreign nations; as mitigating jiarty spirit; in one word, as perpetuating our peace. So great, 
" so inestimable is this good, that all other benefits and influences of the federal government seem 
" to us as nothing." — Christian Examiner, Vol. VI. p. 153. 

" It preserves us from icasting and dcstroi/ing one unolhcr. It preserves relations of peace among 
" communities, which, if broken into separate nations, would he arrayed against one another in perpe- 
" TUAL, M«RCILESS, AND RUINOUS WAR. It indeed contributes to our defence against foreign states; 
" hut still more, it defends us from one another." * * «( p^j. ourselves we fear, that 

" bloody and MOURNFUL AS HUMAN HISTORY IS, A SADDER PAGE THAN HAS YET BEEN WRIT- 
" TEN MIGHT RECORD THE SUFFERINGS OF THIS COUNTRY, SHOULD WE DIVIDE OURSELVES INTO 

" SEPARATE COMMUNITIES. \Vu fccii thill Our country, in case of disunion, would be broken into 
" communities, which would cherish towards one another singularly fierce and implacable enmi- 
" ties."— Idem, p. 148. 

" Once divided, ive should form stronger bonds of union with foreign nations than with one another. 
" Europe would avail itself of our broken, condition, to establish an influence among us; belligerents 
" would try to enlist us in their quarrels; our eagerness for commercial favours and monopolies 
" would lay us open to their intrigues; loe shouldbe willing to receive aid from abroad; and distant na- 
" tions would labour to increase our dependence upon themselves by injlaming and dividing us against 
" each other: these are considerations too obvious to need exposition,and as solemn and monitory as 
" they are clear. From disunion WE SHOULD REAP, IN PLENTIFUL HARVESTS DE- 
" STRUCTIVE ENMITIES AT HOME, AND DEGRADING SUBSERVIExNCY TO THE 
" POWERS OF EUROPE."-Idem, p. 150. 

" Our neighbour's good would become to us a curse. Among such communities, there could he no 
'^ love, and wouldbe no real peace. To obstruct one another's growth would be deemed the perfection 
" of policy. Slight collisions of interest, which must perpetually recur, would be exaggerated by 
".jealousy and hatred into unpardonable wrongs; and UNPRINCIPLED STATESMEN 

::rN%'-?ASS?'SP5S"p"i« ''' '^™"'™'' '""''"'*"''" ^EVANCES 



4>^ 



— •►►►►0 @l ©^«4*-— . 



SECOND EDITION. 

• •»*© © ©«<■— 

PHILJiBELPHM: 
PRINTED BY VVILLIA3I F. GEDDES, 

NO. 9 LIB R ART STREET. 

July 26," 1832. 

GRATUITOUS. 



ij4 



E.' 



n. 

-J 

r 



^-1 



PREFACE. 

1. Recent advices, so late as the 26th ult. state distinctly the determina- 
tion of the " State rights' and free trade party" to nullify the tariff; as " the 
only hope of throwing off their burdens without endangering the 
union!!" iiisum teneatis, amid? 

2. At a large and respectable meeting, held in Charleston, "estimated," 
according to the Mercury, " to consist of 1500 persons," Mr.Adams's bill, 
and that of the secretary of the treasury, were both repudiated; 

"Because they retain the prmciple of imposhig taxes for the purpose of protection, 
which is a power not granted by the constitution, and, whilst it is maintained, will con- 
tinue to endanger our rights. . V- , • 

"Because tliey propose to establish a permanent system of taxation, whichis un- 
authorised by principle or precedent [unauthorised hv precedent!! .'.'^ which is not re- 
quired for tiie support of the government, and would trammel, by usurped control, the 
privileges of posterity!" 

The following are the reasons assigned in favour of nullification, and 
a°-ainst the project of a convention of the southern states. 

"A Convention, assembled under the- sovereign authority of the several Southern 
States would be a violation of the Constitution, and luould probably terminate in a dis- 
solution of the confederacy! South Carolina is not yet prepared for this violent mode of 
action It would, at this time, before resortmg to another remedy of a peaceful and 
constitutional character, place her in the wrong. With right on her side, she will be 
rSht in her course, and, on her cause, hope for the favour of Heaven. Nullification is 
the ri'rlitful remedy; and when South C'aro/ma «u//»;?e5, the States, who like her are 
suffering under an oppressive and unjust system of taxation, cannot be so blind to 
their interests as to refrain from defending the common cause; and although they will 
act separately, in effect a simultaneous action will afford all the advantages orcombina- 
tion without the odium which must attend a confederacy subversive of the Union Kely- 
i„ff therefore, on our first, and, we solemnly believe, true position, we do maintain and 
declare th^t Nullification is the remedy which avoid, ihc e^trtme.vf passiveness or over 
Vcam^nd affords the only hope off throwing off our burdens xoithout mdangering the 
Union."* 

3 Thus, nothing short of an absolute abandonment of the protecting sys- 
tem" will satisfy them— although they can scarcely be ignorant, tliat this 
abandonment would produce more distress, and ruin, and bankruptcy, in 
the middle and eastern states, than a five years' war. 
4. That they are perfectly serious, and will make the attempt, there can- 

"^5.^I?they'do', the government will either look on passively, or attempt to 
enforce the law in the terms of the constitution. i • .i 

6 In the former case, the union is //;so/«c/o virtually dissolved-in the 
latter, a civil war takes place. AVhata hideous prospect. 

7 At this serious crisis, the apathy and indifference that prevail, are mat- 
teis of inexpressible astonishment. Infinitely more interest Avas felt ot 

. It is difficvilt to conceive it possible that such men as Gov. ^^f^^^' f;jfr;j; 

^^ ;:SS;hc^vc.;uc'Srexi^encieLf the|Overmneni cju; take place w^ 
Znt ^^d violation of the Constitution,'' :.n<l - without cndangenng the Union. Ihe torce 
cf credulity could go no farther. 



■>v 



-. T Ug-m. T JCJ 



"TS!W^« 



7r, 






late in the Parisian revolution of three days — and in the fate of the British 
reform bill, than many of our citizens take in the existing state of affairs in 
our own country. 

8. Perhaps I overrate the danger. Perhaps I am acting the part of 
Terence's Self-tormentor. Would to heaven it were so! But unfortunately 
there is not the least hope of it. I have repeatedly pondered on the subject 

o for hours, and the conclusion has irresistibly forced itself on me,that we are 

Ov on the eve of an explosion, which may level with the dust the magnificent 
f^ fabric of our government, tlie pride, and boast, and hope of the friends of 

mankind, and the dread, and scorn, and horror, and execration of despots 
and friends of despotism throughout the globe. What a glorious achieve- 
ment for the Hamiltons, the Haynes, the Turnbulls, and the other leaders 
of the party! 

9. Even if I am in error as to the ultimate result, the prevailing torpor 
is utterly indefensible. No pains nor expense should be spared to tran- 
qullize the public mind to the south, and to restore harmony between the 
component parts ot the empire. 

10. The white population of South Carolina, at the last census, was 
257,878, of wliom nearly one half, however they might reprobate the tariff, 
were ardently attached to the union, and decidedly opposed to nullifica- 
tion. I will suppose that the nullifying party may be 135,000— -the others 
122,000. The number of slaves was 315,665, being nearly twenty-five 
per cent, more than the whites. 

1 1. Hence it appears that a less number of inhabitants than the citizens of 
Philadelphia, are determined to raise the standard of rebellion? for "dis- 
guise it as they may," nullification is synonymous with rebellion. 

12. Thus, in a fatal hour of darkness and delusion, of dire infatuation, 
those citizens are prepared to arm father against son — son against father— 
and brother against brother; and for what.^" On the construction of a clause 
in the constitution, on which some of the best men the world ever produced 
have been decidedly against them — the Washingtons, the Madisons, the 
Lowndeses, the Ameses, with a host of other worthies of the highest reputa- 
tion — and on which some of their present leaders were formerly as decid- 
edly opposed to them — as for instance, the Calhouns, and the Coopers, erst 
while among- the most eloquent of the advocates of a system, which, by a 
strange perversity, and a most extraordinai'y inconsistency, they now de- 
nounce as unconstitutional, and against which they adopt measures that can 
scarcely fail to lead to civil war! 

13. Among the extraordinary features of the times, one is, that none of 
the mighty men that abound in our country, who can vie for persuasive 
powers with the Juniuses, the Burkes, the Cannings, the Mackintoshes of 
Great Britain, have undertaken the defence of the protecting policy, syste- 
matically, as regards southern prejudices. 

14. I have urged some gentlemen of this description, to take up their 
pens, and offered them my large body of materials to aid them; but in vain. 

15. Had any of them taken up the gauntlet thrown by the nullifiers, I 
should have withdrawn from the arena, as I have been so long and so often 
before the public on this subject, that they must be weary of me. It is not 
in human nature to be otherwise. And really, lam at least as weary of the 
subject as they can be of my discussing it. But as no other person appears 
to defend the holy cause of union systematically, and with a view to show 

'/ how utterly groundless are the complaints of the nullifiers, I am irresistibly 

impelled to obtrude myself once moi« on the public attention. 

Philadelphia, July 11, 1832. M. CAREY. 

"//" Rome must fall, T nm innocent of tlit ruin-" 



THE CRISIS ,-"No. I. 



The complaints of South Carolina .embrace four objects: the distress said 
to be consequent on the protective system? the unconstitutionality of that 
system? internal improvement? and the colonization society. I shall con- 
fine myself to the two first. 

1. The disaft'ection and disposition to secede from the union, which pre- 
vail in South Carolina, were originally grounded on intense distress said to 
exist in that state, and which was alleged to result from the protecting 
system, a system declared to be not only highly oppressive, but unconsti- 
tutional. 

2. If this distress did really exist, and arose from the operation of the 
Tariffs, and if no redress could be had, it might be right and proper, "/o 
calculate the value of the union'''' to the southern states. 

3. But if the distress can be proved to be exaggerated, or if, admitting 
it to be real, it can be fairly traced to other sources, it follows that the dis- 
affection and insurrectionary spirit, to which I have referred, indicate one 
of those extraordinary delusions to which all nations are occasionally more 
or less subject, and which often lead astray, as all history proves, men of 
the strongest minds, and sometimes produce consequences of which the 
operation is felt for centuries. 

4. That the distress is exaggerated, is fairly inferable from the fact that 
Gov. Hamilton, in a late message to the legislature, 1831, drew a flattering 
picture of the situation of the state. 

5. " JVe have,'''' he says, " every just cause, during theinlerval, ivhichhas 
elapsed since your adjournment, to hefdled with the onost fervent emotions 
of gratitude to the Supreme Disposer of human events, for his various and 
signal blessings.''^ 

6. He then dilates on the flourishing situation of the treasury. — the great 
profits of the state bank. — ^and the improvement of the roads. 

7. These groat features of prosperity completely put down those lugu- 
brious statements of distress with which the welkin has rung for some time 
past. They are utterly incompatible with such distress. 

8. It is true the governor closes his address with an account of the emi- 
gration of some of "the best citizens" who, ^^ distressed and poor, are 
turning their eyes to the immense valley of the ivest, to find in the prolific 
fert'dili/ with which God has blessed that region, some compensation for the 

exactions of an unkind and unjust government.''^ Can they by emigration 
escape those " exactions?'''' 

9. It requires an extraordinary degree of hallucination to ascribe to any 
sinister influence of the government the migrations of " citizens," whether 
"best" or wor^t, from a worn-out soil, "to a region which God hath blessed" 
with a most extraordinary "prolific fertility," — to states wliere lands can be 
purchased at a dollar and a quarter per acre, and which produce with little 
labour 40, 50, GO, or 100 \wv cent, more tlian the ungrateful soil they have 
left.* Perhaps a more perfect non sc(/?<?7«r was never advanced by any en- 



• Sec this svihjcct copiously and conclusively discussed in Mr, Biillard's Speech in 
tlie appendix A, pag'c 11. 



lio-htened individual, as a grouad for any measure of such vital importance, 
as unfurling the banner of resistance to government, and the adoption of 
measures which must lead to a dissolution of tlie union, and ultimately 
to civil war. 

10. Were emigration any proof of "the exactions of an unkind and un- 
just government," then every state in the union would be equal sufferers — 
for emigration constantly takes place from all the states, without exception, 
to " the immense valley of the loesf^- — and from none more than from New 
England, which at present enjoys as high a degree of prosperity as any 
country was ever blessed with. 

11. But admitting the distress to be as intense as it has been stated by 
Mr. Hayne, how can it be proved to arise from the tariffs? So far as it really 
exists, it may be distinctly traced chiefly to the depreciation of the price of 
the great staple of the state — which has no more connexion with the tariffs, 
than with the corn-laws of Great Britain. If it arose from the tariffs, it 
would necessarily affect the other cotton-growing states — w^hereas Georgia, 
and Alabama, and Tennessee are in an enviable situation. It has arisen from 
a worn-out soil, and glutted markets, the latter an obvious consequence of 
production outrunning consumption. 

12. The first great reduction of price in liiverpool, that grand market 
which regulates all other markets for this article, took place in 1819. At 
the close of the year 1818, cotton was 17 to 20 pence sterling per lb. 
At the close of 1819, it was 12| to 14 pence — -and at the close of 1820, 
only 8j to 10| — a reduction of more than 47 per cent. 

13. Here was no tariff" to operate this ruinous reduction, which produced 
tll% most afflicting scenes of distress and bankruptcy throughout this coun- 
try and Great Britain. The import in to Great Britain, which in 1816, was 
only 370,000 bales, rose in 1818 to "678,031; an increase of above eighty 
per cent. This fully accounts for the reduction at that period. 

14. An overwhelming proof that the distress is greatly exaggerated, 
may be drawn from the fact that the average of the exports of South Caro- 
lina is greater at present than before the tariff" of 1824. 

Exports of 1823 ^6,898, 814 

1829 88,175,586 

1830 7,627,631 

1831 6,543,454 



22,346,671 Average, 7,448,890 

The export of cotton from South Carolina in 

1823 amounted to - - 3,169,494 dollars. 

1831 " - - 5,220,194 

15. Thus the situation of the planters must be more favourable than it was 
in 1823 — as their grand staple produces larger returns — and every article 
they purchase is from 15 to 40 per cent lower than in the former year. Cot- 
ton bagging, for instance, was 36 cents per yard; whereas it is now only 18 
to 20. Cotton goods generally have undergone a similar reduction; to these 
may be added negro clothing, and all manufactures of iron, &c. 

16. Production in this country has increased so fast as to glut the mar- 
kets of the world. Our exports of uplands in 1819 were 80,508,270 lbs. 
—in 1823 they rose to 161,586,582, and in 1827 to 279,169,317 lbs. 

17. Is it, then, wonderful, that prices have fallen.^' Is it not more won- 
derful that the reduction has not been greater.? Would not an equal in- 
crease of pearls, or diamonds, or gold or silver, produce a very great reduc- 
tion in their value? But what, after all, has been the reduction? 

18. At the close of the year 1822, the price of uplands in Liverpool was 6a 



y 



6 



to 85 pence per lb., or an average of 7h pence. At the close of 18S0, 5g 
and 7i, average Qh. 

19. Thus the reduction, in eight years, notwithstanding the extravagant 
increase of production, and the clamor against the tariffs, has been but a 
penny a pound ! 

20. Tlie southern distress was greater by far before the enaction of the tariflf 
of 1824, than at present,* and it is therefore to the last degree disingenuous, 
and calculated to mislead egregiously the public, to charge whatever distress 
exists at present to the tariff. 

21. For on the 5th of April, 1824, before the first of the obnoxious 
tariffs went into operation, Mr. Carter, a South Carolina member of Con- 
gress, traced the heart rending distress that then existed, to the true cause, 
"the prostration of the foreign markets." 

22. ''The prostration of theirforeign markets, "observes this gentleman, 
'■'■has spread over the face of the South a general pervading gloom. In all 
the region which stretches from the shores of the Potomac to the gulf of Mex- 
ico, where all the arts of civilized life once triumphed, the arm of industry is 
now paralized. Large and ample estates, once the seats of opulence, which 
supported their proprietors in affluence, are now thrown out to waste and de- 
cay.^' 

23. In corroboration of the statement of Mr. Carter, the following is sub- 
mitted. 

Extract from a Memorial of the citizens of Charleston, readin Congress, Feb. 9, 1824. 

"The cultivation of cotton, encouraged by the very prosperity which has just been 
noticed, has beein' so phodigiouslt extended in this and oilier states, as well as ir^£}- 
reign countries, that notwithstanding the unprecedented increase of the trade with Eng- 
land, every market in Europe is already glutted with it,- and as the evil is every day 
growing with the growth of the new countries, into which enterprise is pushing its ad- 
ventures, tliere can be no doubt but that in the course of a very few years, this commo- 
dity will, like all others, where there is a free competition in trade, be reduced to the 
lowEST possible phice. In the meantime, the effects that have already been produced 
here by this mighty revolution, are deplorable in the extreme. Property of all kinds is 
depreciated beyond example. Jl feeling of gloomy desponde?ice is beginning to prevail every 
where in the lower country. Estates are sacrificed to pat the east instalments on 
THE bonds given FOR THE PURCHASE MONET. Nobody sccms disposcd to buy, what every 
body is anxious to sell at any price. In short it is manifest, that the extraordinary pros- 
perity which South Carolina, in common with the other southern states, enjoj'ed some 
years ago, is gone forever; and it will require all the skill and industry of our agi-icul- 
turists, in future, to maintain their place in the m^vket, even at the most reduced prices of 
produce. WILLIAM DRAYTON,^, 

HUGH S. LEG ARE, ' ^ . „ 

SAMUEL PRIOLEAU, >''0™'»»*«e- 
WM. SEAT5ROOK, J 

24. In the face of these conclusive facts, Mr. M'Duffie charges the de- 
cline of the price of cotton to the operation of the tariff's subsequently en- 
acted ! ! ! ^ 

•'The decline in the price of cotton, /icw kept uniform pace with the progress of the 
prohibitory system, clearly indicating t/ie relation of cause and effect. Previous to the ta- 
riff of 1824, the price of uplands never remained below 15 cents a pound for any length 
of time ! but very generaily continued above t fiat point, sometimes rising even to thir- 
TT CENTS AND upwAUDs! Subscqucut to that period, and previous to the passage of the 
tariff of 1828, the price ot uplands was more generally above than below 12^ cents a 
pound, so that this may be safely assumed as tlie average price during that period. 
Since 1828, the decline has been steady and continued, until it has fallen below 10 cents, 
and it must still continue to fall, until our fields become desolate, and our planters are com- 
pelled to abandon the homes of our anccslers, and Jly to some distant land, with the hope 
of restoring their ruined fortunes. In tliis state of things, a very grave and awful re- 



sDonsibilitv devolves upon the sovereignty of South Carolina-. — that o{ interposing iia 
sacred !>hield to protect our citizens from PLUNDER AND OPPRESSION, and ullimate 
ruin.'" 

25. Trusting that the allegation against the protecting system of having 
produced distress is fully disproved by the preceding facts, I now proceed to 
consider the objections to the constitutionality of the system. 



— »»9@9««— 



The constitutionality of the protecting system rests on the following fects: 
and is unanswerably supported by the distinct and unequivocal admission 
of the Free Trade Convention. 

1. The power to regulate commerce with foreign nations distinctly im- 
plied, at the time of the adoption of the Federal Constitution, the power to 
prohibit, or impose prohibitory duties on, foreign articles. And in fairness 
of construction the words must be taken in the sense they bore at the period 
when they were used. 

2. The first Congress of the United States, embracing some of the lead- 
ing members of the Federal Convention, who must be allowed to have un- 
derstood the nature of their own instrument, regulated the tariflf of 1789 
with a clear and distinct view to the protecting system. 

3. Their second act stated in its caption, "whereas it is necessary for the 
support of government, for the discharge of the debts of the United States, 

and THE ENCOUIIAGEMENT AND PROTECTION OF MANUFACTURES, that duticS 

belaid on goods, vvares, and merchandize imported." 

4. Gen. Washington, Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Madison, and Mr. Monroe, ex- 
plicitly recommended the protection of manufactures to Congress. 

5. Mr. Lowndes, one of the most enlightened of the southern members 
of Congress, advocated in 1816 the minimum duty on cottons, the highest 
duty ever imposed at that time. 

• 6. In the same Congress, Mr. Calhoun explicitly advocated the protection 
of manufactures. 

7. Can it be admitted for a moment, that members of the Convention 
which framed the Constitution, and those other illustrious citizens above 
named, (particularly Mr. Jefterson and Mr. Lowndes,) had not the sagacity 
to discover any unconstitutionality in the protecting system, and that the re- 
velation was reserved for Mr. Ritchie or Col. Hayne, to one or other of 
whom the discovery is discribed? The supposition is a solemn mockery of 
reason and common sense. And yet on this untenable ground, the standard 
of rebellion is about to be unfurled. Surely, never in an enlightened age, or 
by enlightened citizens, was the peace of a nation disturbed on sucli a fri- 
volous plea. 

8. The high duty on cotton of three cents per lb. was imposed by that 
Cono-ress to encouraoe the culture of the article. 

9. Enormous extra duties were imposed on teas imported in foreign ves- 
sels, equal to 125 per cent, more than were imposed on those imported in 
American vessels. The tonnage duties on foreign vessels engaged in the 
coasting trade, were, in the case of ten entries in a year, 8000 per cent. 

'more than on American vessels. The duties imposed by the same Congress 
on snuft'and manufactured tobacco were from 50 to 7o per cent. 

10. The unconstitutionality of the system was never suggested for thirty 
years. 

1 1 . The ground on which the unconstitutionality is attempted to be sup- 



8 

ported, is a mere quibble — such a quibble as, in a case before a court of jus- 
tice, no lawyer of character would dare to advance.* 

11. All these reasons, conclusive as thej are, might be passed over, and 
the question fairly rested on the luminous view taken of the subject, by 
President Jackson. 

" The power to impose duties on imports originally belonged to the several states. 
7%e right to adjust these duties, tvith a view to the encouragement of domestic brunches of 
industry, is so completely incidental to that power, that it is difficult to suppose the existence 
of one without the other. The states liave delegated their whole authority over imports 
to the general government without limitation or restriction, saving the very inconsider- 
able reservation relating to their inspection laws. This authority having thus entirely 
passed from the states, the riglit to exercise it for the purpose of protection, does not 
exist in them, and consequently, if it he not possessed hy the General Government, it must 
he extinct. Oub. political sistesi would thus present tub anomaly of a people 

STRIPPED OF THE RIGHT TO FOSTER THEIR OWN INDrSTRT; AND TO COUNTERACT THE MOST 
SELFISH AND DESTRUCTIVE POLICT "WHICH MIGHT BE ADOPTED BT FOREIGN NATIONS. This 

surch^ cannot be the case: this indispensable power, thus surrendered by the states, 
must be within the scope of the authority on this subject, expressly delegated to Con-, 
gress. " — President Jackson's Message to Congress, Dec. 6, 1830. 

12. When the present effervescence has subsided, and the subject comes 
to be considered calmly, it will be a matter of astonishment that these plain, 
irrefutable reasons should have ever been overlooked — or, when once pro- 
mulgated from higli autiiority, that they did not put down the flimsy argu- 
ment on which the charge of unconstitutionality rests. 

13. I now proceed to consider the admission of the Free Trade Conven- 
tion, an authority from which Governor Hamilton cannot appeal. 

14. Their address states, "that they admit i\yA.tCongressmay coimtervail 
the regulalions of a foreign power which may be hostile ts our commerce: 
but they deny their authority permanently to prohibit all iMPORT.\TioNybr 
the purpose of securing the home market to the clomestic manufactwer .'''', 
The second branch of the sentence is entire surplusage, as no prohibition 
was ever attempted or contemplated — and more especially, as of the three 
articles most highly dutied, viz.. cottons, woollens, and iron, enormous im- 
portations take place. Passing this branch, therefore, let us consider the 
first. 

15. I will assume, 1. That the prohibition or the imposition of enormous 
duties on our staples, is a " regulation hostile to our commerce.'^ 

16. And 2. That the only mode in which we can " countervail such hos- 
tile regulations" is by reciprocating prohibition or heavy duties. 

17. I hope it will be unhesitatingly admitted that if such hostile regula- 
tions of foreign powers exist, reciprocation on the part of Congress, accord- 
ing to the doctrine of the Free Tiade Convention, is not only justifiable but an 
incumbent dot}'. Of course, notliing remains but to establish the existence 
of such hostile regulations, to justify our protecting .system. 

1 8. How stands the case? Nearly all the powers of Europe prohibit, or im- 
pose duties absolutely prohibitory on, our bread stuffs, the dependence of 
from four to five millions of our citizens. Great Britain imposes a duty of 
100 per cent, on our rice, 1500 per cent, on our leaf tobacco, 2000 per cent, 
on our manufactured tobacco. To pass over various other items, lumber and 

• Never was the harmony of a nation destroyed or its peace endangered, by a more 
illogical quibble than this objection is grounded on. A motion was made in the federal 
convention and rejected, to empower congress to give bounties for the encourage- 
ment of manufactures. And as bounties and protecting duties produce the same effect, 
they are i)rctendcd to be the same, and the rejection of the one to involve the rejection 
of tlie other. According to this reasoning, all things that produce tlie same effect, are 
the same — and as rye, wheat, barley, and maize are converted into bread, and employed 
for the sustenance of man, they are all the same substance! 



several otViei* articles, are subject to duties from SOO to 5000 per cent, more 
than those imported from British colonies, so that if we procured them gra- 
tuitously, they could not stand the competition with the latter.* 

19. Now, I invoke Gov. Hamilton, Mr. Calhoun, Judge Cooper, Mr. 
Turnbull, and Mr. M'Duffie, in the name of the Living God, (the magni- 
tude of the subject, will, I hope,excuse the solemnity of the adjuration) to de- 
clare whether, under these circumstances of our foreign commerce, they can, 
on the plea of our high duties, justify the appeal to arms, and "letting slip 
the dogs of war," the goal their present course tends to — and whether, ac- 
cording to the doctrine of the Free Trade Convention, and according to the 
principles of eternal justice and of duty to ourselves, we are not, not only 
warranted in the imposition of our highest duties by the above ""regula- 
tions hostile to our coinmerce,^^ but whether we would not be justified in a 
positive prohibition of some of the leading articles of all the powers of 
Europe whose codes embrace those " hostile regulations ?^^ 

20. It is true, that Mr. M'Duffie and the Free Trade Convention, deny the 
propriety of reciprocating restriction by restriction j that is to say, they 
iiold that nations should pursue the Scripture rule, and when "smitten on the 
right cheek, turn the other <ilso." To put down this extraordinary and self- 
immolating position for ever, it is only necessary to ask this gentleman and 
Mr. Berrien, the reputed author of the address of the Free Trade Conven- 
tion, how they or their friends, the nullifiers generally, would relish this 
doctrine, if the powers of Europe were to be enabled to supply themselves 
with cotton and tobacco, and prohibited those articles from the United 
States ? Would they not change their note, and call loudly for retalia- 
tion of a measure which would reduce them to the utmost wretchedness .'* 
and if retaliation were refused, would they not then have good cause to 
^^ calculate the value of the Union?^^ So much easier ii^ to be wise, and 
patient, and forbearing for other people than in our own case, 

21. So completely is the commerce of this country curtailed and restricted 
by the " hostile regulations of foreign powers,'^'' that the whole amount of our 
exports to Europe, in the year 1830, of lumber, oils, fish, lead, naval stores, 
ashes, beef, pork, Indian corn and meal, manufactured tobacco, and 
flaxseed, was only 82,148,482. These articles are the chief productions of 
at least 6,000,000 of our people, who, but for " the hostile regulations''^ they 
encounter in that quarter of the globe, could furnish far more than the whole 
amount in some of the single articles, among the rest, lumber. 

22. The amount of flour exported to Eumpe in that year, was g2,065,728, 
of which no small portion was held in bond for months. 

■ 23. To show the unreasonableness of the clamour of South Carolina, let 
us for a moment compare her situation with that of Pennsylvania. The 
grand staple of the former is cotton, for which all the markets of the world 
are open without any restriction. It commands a ready sale, a fair price, 
and cash every where. The grand staples of the state of Pennsylvania are 
bread stufts, which, ever since 18 IT, have been virtually prohibited in every 
part of Europe, except in danger of famine. To this enormous grievance, 
which, according to an official document, published by our legislature in 1820, 
reduced the value of real estate in this commonwealth in three years from 
1817 to 1820, 8100,000,000, Pennsylvania has quietly submitted. Whereas 
South Carolina is ready to rebel, not because her staples are prohibited, but 
because Pennsylvania and other states similarly circumstanced, have, to 
provide a market at home for their bread stuffs, and other articles prohibit- 
ed abroad, carried, in Congress, protecting duties on the manufactures of 

* Spermaceti oil imported from the U. States pays 261. 10s. sterling per tun, and only Is. 
token imported from British colonies!!.'.'.'.' So much for Free Trade and Sailors' Bights! 

B 



10 

those nations which will not allow us the poor privilege of supplying their 
manufacturers with a portion of their foot! . 

24. I a])peal to the candour of Governor Hamilton whether a greater con- 
trast can well be exhibited ; and whether in this point of view the conduct 
of the nullifiers will admit of justification or palliation ? 

25. Tlie effervescence that exists in South Carolina cannot create much 
wonder, when we consider the extraordinary and unfounded statements on 
the subject of the tariff", promulgated with the utmost confidence bv high 
authorit}', — an authority calculated to gain implicit confidence from the 
mass of the community. 

26. This assertion ii not lightly hazarded. Mr M'DufRe asserts in the most 
unqualified manner: 

a "That the American planter /^a?/* '^ f/t//?/ of forty per cent, on the export 
of his cotton', or, which is the same thing, upon what he obtains for it! 

b That "the people of a portion of the union, are subject to a more op- 
pressive burthen than the most heavily taxed people i/pon the face of the 
earth r 

c That "those states engaged in the culture of cotton, tobacco, and rice, 
pay very nearly tuo- thirds of the ivhole amount ^of the public revenue I 

d That "butfor the duties imposed on manufactures, we should now have 
a demand in Europe inx four hundred thousand bales of cotton beyond the 
existing demand! 

e That " the majority [in Congress] declares it to be for its interest, and 
avows it to be its object, to pursue this system of prohibitory duties, vnlil the 
whole of that commerce, ivhich gives value to the agricultural productions 
of the sovlhern states, and without which Qlieir] fields would be left deso- 
late, shall be idterly and absolutely abolished! 

f That when tl^|^uuthern stages find, that " the majority, confiding: in the 
strength of numbers, ore opeidy and boldly avowing the unjust, and, [he] had al- 
most said,nefarioi(s and piraticcd purposc,of siveeping from the very face of the 
ocean a lawful branch of trade, which almost exclusively belongs to the peo- - 
pie of those states, it is time for them ro rise up in thk majesty of their 
STRENGTH, aiui demand in the name of the principles of eternal justice and of 
constitutional liberty, by what authority you commit this monstrous out- 
rage ? 

g That " the tendency and object of this system is to confiscate the com- 
merce of the south, under the false and delusive pretence of regulating it, 
and to appropriate the proceeds of the property thus confiscated by the high 
admiralty of this system of plunder, to the separate and exclusive uses of 
the northern capitalists!^^ ^ 

27. On these dogmata I off'er no comment. They carry their own comment 
and condemnation with them. That they should have emanated from a gen- 
tleman of the towering mind of Mr. M'Duftie, is a matter of great aston- 
ishment; but the regret is far greater than the astonishment; for it cannot be 
doubted, that they, and dogmata like them, have been the means of exciting 
almost to madness the angry passions of tlie people of South Carolina, and 
preparing them for a separation from the Union, and a consequent dissolu- 
tion — one of the greatest curses that Heaven in its wrath could inflict on 
the United States. 

28. To rival foreign nations the dissolution of our Union would be worth 
millions, as it would relieve them from the apprehensions they justly enter- 
tain of our growing greatness. 

29. Shall we wantonly, and "without nwney and without price," for 
their incalculable profit and oui' irreparable injury, do for them, what, with- 
out our disastrous co-operation, they would never accomplish themselves! 



Extract of a speech of the Hon. Mr. JjiiUard, Member of Congress from 
Louisiana, on the Tariff, June 15, 1832. 

" In tlie section of country where I reside, and in some places in the vici- 
nity, particularly on the alluvial soils of the Mississippi, the cotton planter 
makes, on an average, from five to six bales, of four hundred pounds, to the 
hand — planters will understand what I mean by hand — not every negro on 
the estate, but able-bodied slaves. I put it down at an average of 2000 lbs. 
of clean cotton to the hand, besides the corn which is raised and consumed 
on the estate. In some parts of the district it may be less, and in some 
parts certainly a great deal more. I have often known as many as ten 
bales to the liand raised on many plantations in my district; and the 
amount I have stated above is certainly rather below than above the truth. 
I am assured by gentlemen from North Carolina, South Carolina, and 
Georgia, that their average crop docs not exceed three bales to the hand, of 
300 lbs. 7naking 900 lbs. Of that I know nothing, and if I err in this state- 
ment, I beg gentlemen to set me right. I desire to assure gentlemen that 
I do not make these comparisons in an invidious spirit; but merely to ex- 
hibit the dift'erence of production in the two sections of country. The lati- 
tude is nearly tlie same : our expenses the same : we depend upon a com- 
mon market, and live under the same system of laws: and yet how differ- 
ent the rewards of industry! // is notorious that ive are prosperous — 
growing rich. The planters are every year adding to their stock of slaves, 
extending their plantations by opening or clearing land, or by purchases. 
Tine price of land is rising rapidly in that cotton district. I ask gentlemen 
to account for this. Can it be that the same system of laws, under which 
we are so prosperous, is the sole cause of the depression of the same interest 
in other parts of our common country ? 

"If we are oppressed and ground down by taxation, we have the singular 
good fortune never to have discovered it — never to have felt it — and people 
are very apt to feci what affects their pockets. Sir, when philosophy tells 
you that the human body sustains constantly a weight of more than thirtj 
thousand pounds from atmospheric pressure, the mind is at first startled at 
the proposition. But, by a simple and beautiful experiment, she demon- 
strates its truth. / should be thankful to gentlemen for a similar demon- 
stration ivhen they assert, that the tvhole planting interest of the South is 
crushed under the intolerable burthens of taxation. * * * 

" With these facts before us, while it is shown that in certain portions of 
the southwest at least, we make so much more to the hand than they do in 
South Carolina and Georgia, permit me to ask luhether the difference of seil 
and cultivation ought not to come in for a share of the blame of the 'de- 
pressed condition of the agriculture of those states ? Whether it is attribu- 
table altogether to the protective system? The production, it would seem, 
is in the proportion of 2000 to 900. Without looking beyond this single 
fact, is it extraordinary that, while we are prosperous, the business tlure 
should behardly worth pursuing? Notonly is that interest in a flourishing 
condition in our cou.ntry ; but the cotton planters are in a more 2}rosperous 
condition — less embarrassed — than the sugar planters." 

Extract from an Address of the Hon. J. S. Johnson, M. S. U. States, 
from Louisiana, to his Constituents . 
"There is at this time an uncommon degree of prosperity in our coun- 
try. Wherever I have been throughout the northern, middle and western 
states, labour, capital and skill are now employed with the greatest activity 



^ 



12 

and enterprise in all thfi channels of industry. Every where V/e meet the 
external and visible signs of the influence they dift'use. It affords me great 
pleasure to be able to congratulate you on the condition of our own state. 
I speak particularly now of the cotton region. 

"We have suffered a great depression in the price of our staple; one of 
the most extraordinary revolutions of property, and one of the severest 
trials. Within a short period, cotton has fallen to one-ihird of its former 
price, — yet you have sustained the shock. There has been, in consequence 
of your foresight and prudence, no distress, or sacrifice; your fortunes have 
steadily advanced, capital is still productive, property in demand, money 
abundant, and credit and confidence unlimited. 

" I am much surprised at this, after having heard and read so much of the 
distress in the southern states. HoiO is this, that two countries very similar, 
7vith like productions, with the same people, and living under the same laws, 
present such different results? Have we a kinder soil, a more genial sun, 
greater enterprise, or more industry, or more economy.^ They have indeed 
some advantages, — they are nearer the markets; nearer the sources of sup- 
ply; labour cheaper, and the price of the staple article higlier by the differ- 
ence of freight. How is it, that they are sinking in utter and irretrievable 
ruin, while toe are in a comparatively flourishing condition ? 

"The depression in the south has been ascribed to the operation of the 
tariff; but those laws act equally upon us; and we cannot comprehend liow 
they exert the mysterious and extraordinary influence attributed to them. 
The decline in the price was for a time imputed to the tariff'. It was sup- 
posed to be effected by some indirect means, beyond the reach of common 
observation. But this, I believe, is now abandoned. It is known that the 
price fell with the increasing production: it ivas the excess of supply press- 
ing 07i the demand for consumption; it was the natural effect of a redundant 
market. 

"But it has been said, the tariff is most unjust and oppressive, and is 
producing the most fatal effects upon the south. Let us see how this stands 
with us. The price of cotton has fallen, but so has every thing else, and 
from the same cause. The taxes are necessarily high, to defray the ex- 
penses of government, and discharge a heavy public debt; but then all con- 
tribute according to their means. 

"In regard to ourselves, we know, that the whole expenses of our plan- 
tations do not exceed one-third of the value of the crop; that is, less than 
three cents a pound, and that the residue is profit upon the capital employed; 
that half of this amount of expenses is for articles made in the United 
States, and not included in the tariff, and not in any way affected by it. 
The other half is composed of articles tliat are embraced by it, and furnish 
a fair example of the general operations of those laws. The whole of theni 
have fallen since the tarifFof 1824 from 25 to 50 per cent, in value; some 
of them, especially cotton goods, are cheaper than in England, and fairly 
compete with them. Others, such as cotton bagging, ivhich constitutes a con- 
siderable item of expense, is now made in the ivestcrn states, of a quality 
superior to the foreign, at sixteen cents, and to ivhich it is reduced by our own 
competition. This article, together with the cordage, is now so low that it 
fully reimburses the planter, by the weight, for all the cost. Upon the re- 
mainder of the articles we may'perhaps pay 25 per cent.; but the prices. are 
continually falling." 



XISE CRISIS IVo. II. 



'•*tO ^5 ©M!** ■■ 



Some parts of the following paper have been published alreadi/, and some 
tivice, or oftener. For this repetition, no apology is thought necessary. 
The subject is too deeply interesting, not merely to this country, but to the 
civilized luorld at large, to require to stand upon ceremony. 

1. The facts in favour of the protecting system are so cogent, and the 
arguments so clear and unanswerable, that wherever they have been dis- 
seminated, they have made converts, unless when personal interest blinded 
the parties to the force of truth. * 

*f^xlrac( of a letter, from Junas B. Brown, Esq. an eminent woollen manufacturer, dated 

Boston, September 27, 1827. 

"A little more than a year ago, I gave a number of your pamphlets to an intelligent 
gentleman at Belfast, in the state of Maine. He is a valuable officer, a lieutenant in the 
United States' Navy, living on shore, I suppose on half pay. Two weeks since, this 
gentleman told me that these pamphlets tiad convinced /ii?n of the correctness of the doctrine, 

and ABOOT three HCSDRED other individuals is his XElGHCODnHOOD." 

It is fair to assume that had those pamphlets which converted three hundred in one 
neighbourhood been adequately circulated to the south, they would have produced 
the same effeo-l, and prevented that irritation and excitement which have endangered 
the Union, and produced the necessity of making concessions to Southern passions cer- 
tain to injure important portions of the national industry. 

Extract of a letter from Wdliam Naylor, Esq. of Romney, Virginia, Feb. 3, 1824. 

"I have been long thoroughly convinced of the truth of all your fiosit ions in political eco- 
nomy, and from the bottom of my heart have wished, arid do wish you success in your great 
and patriotic undertaking. * f- * * \ verily believe I should have attempted something my- 
self; but finding that you were doing all that man could do, and certainly much more 
than I could, 1 was disposed to think that if your efforts did not succeed, I might as well 
sit down in despair. You may rely on it, that it is no flattery on my part, when I say 
tliat I admire the talents and skill which you have exercised on tiiis subject, and the 
depth of research which has opened to you such ample and appropriate sources of in- 
formation, of which you knew so well how to profit." 

Extract of letter from C. Birnie, Esq. of Taney-toivn, Maryland. 

" Your Agricultural Address I have lent to some of the most intelligent of my neigh- 
hours, who were hostile to the augmentation of import duties. They are completely con- 
vinced, and acknowledge that your positions are incontrovertible. I wish it could be more 
generally disseminated — as they say it was from ignorance they held their former 
opinions." 
Extract of a letter from Henry Lee, Esq. dated Westmoreland C. H. Va., Feb. 12, 1827. 

"I have read your essays, as well as the report of Hamilton, -which you were so 
good as to give me— and I must confess that 1 see no possibility of resisting the facts, 
principles, and arguments they contain. What adds to their weight too, with me, ts, (hat, 
as you remark, we cannot be worsted by the experiment, as far as economical expediency 
goes. 

"You are aware, no doubt, that we southern people have some constitutional scru- 
ples which we cherish, * * * and that consequently, when we admit the economical accu- 
racy of your views, we are far from consenting to their adoption. I am very free to 
confess, however, that the study of your essays leaves us little other ground to stand on, 
than this of constitutionality. " 



14 



2 The eifervescence to the south has arisen entirely from misrepresen- 
tatTons on the part of the leaders,* and mistakes and misconceptions on the 
part of their followers. . . . , ^ 

3. The storm has been rising, raid increasing in violence, Irom year to 
year ever since 1824, and held out such clear warnings as to deprive those 
whose duty it was to make eftbrts to avert it, of all apology for their cul- 
pable neglect. *• , • , u 

4. Even supposing there was no danger of convulsion, ot which, however, 
there was every probability, it was highly desirable to prevent the grow- 
ino- alienation and hostility between the component parts of this rising em- 

pire. 1 ■ 1 ^, , c 

5 The capital invested in raising sheep, and in the tliree great manutac- 
tures of iron, cotton, and wool, is probably 8300,000,000— but say only 

8200,000,000. ,^ . ,,„ c,. . 

6. In the event of a nullification of the tanft, or a separation ot the States, 
this property will probably d<^preciate from 20 to 30 per cent, but say only 
10— it will be a clear loss of §20,000,000. The twentieth part of one per 
cent on this sum, employed in the dissemination of sound doctrines on the 
subject, from 1820 to' the present time, would have prevented the aliena- 
tion and etiervescence that at present exist to the south. 

7. The actual profits are probably from 10 to 12 per cent., but say only 
7— it amounts to 814,000,000 per annum. 

8. In either case, there will be a great diminution of profitsj m some in- 
stances a total annihilation of them— but say they are reduced to four per 
cent, instead of seven— it will be a loss per annum of §6,000,000.^ _ 

9.' I will assume that the leading manufacturers in the different cities,say 
Mr.* Abbot Lawrence, Mr. Patrick T. Jackson, Mr. J. B. Brown, and Mr. 
Appleton of Boston; Mr. ]Marshall, Messrs. Ayres & M'Farland, and 
Mr Pears(m, of New York; Mr. Burie, Mr. S. Richards, Mr. M. 
Richards, Mr. J. P. Wetherill, of Philadelphia; Mr. E. T. Ellicott, Mr. 
John McKim, Mr.Hugh W.Evans, of Baltimore; and Mr. Diipont.of Wil- 
niipcrton— may be regarded as the representatives of these great interests. 
Hav*e these gentlemen, or their colleagues, lying under such heavy re- 
sponsibility, incurred any expense to allay the dangerous eifervescence to 
theSouthrt Have they ever made the slightest effort lor that purpose.^ 
Have they not f)r seven years,^ more particularly in, and since, 1828, been 
warned of thedan-erous crisis that impended?§ Have they not treated all 
these warnino-s with contumelious neglect? Has there been a single dollar 
exi^ended by "all the manufacturers in the United States since the New 
York convention, with a view to dispel the southern delusion, except for a 
few articles that I have published, in numbers utterly inadequate to the emer- 
gency^ Have they,since the year 1820, expended as much for this all -impor- 
tant purpose as the nuUifiers expend in a few months to produce resistance to 
the government? Under these circumstances, can we wonder at the dangerous 
effervescence to the south, when on one side are displayed zeal, ardour, ener- 
gy, and liberal expenditure of mnney— and on the other, till lately, for near- 
ly twelve years, withering apathy, impolicy as regards personal interest, 
indifference to the public welfare, and unworthy parsimony? 

• See page 10. 
+ In 1829, by great efforts, .ind after a struggle of about six weeks, $500 were raised 
in Boston by a public spirited individuul. To jjut down the American system, and ren- 
der us dependent on foreign munufacturers, that amount might be raised, in any one ot 
the four great cities, in three hours. 

+ See Appendix B. § Idem C. 



15 

10. The dangers that menaced the protecting system lay principally to 
the south. The efforts of the friends of the system ought therefore to 
have been principally directed to that quarter. 

11. As the present crisis would have been prevented had those gentle- 
men performed their duty to themselves and the public, may they not be. 
justly charged with all the consequences.'* 

12. Some of the above gentlemen, and some leading members of Congress 
from Massachusetts, and other states, to whom T wiote about five months 
since on this mighty subject, urging tliem to form associations for the spread 
of suitable tracts, treated my letters with contempt, not having deigned to 
reply. .Were I to publish the names of those gentlemen, as in common jus- 
tice I ought to do, it would excite amazement, and shew a wonderful dis- 
crepancy between profession and practice. 

13. The Central Committee has expended th.ousands of dollars in printing 
elaborate reports, of which, whatever be their merits, not one has a salutary 
tendency, so far as regards the south — but on the contrary, they are calcu- 
lated to excite tlie jealousy of the southern people, who suppose the prospe- 
rity they exhibit, is produced at their expense. 

14. The Committee refused to print, or pay for printing, Mr. M'Duffie's 
"One of the People," which overwhelmingly refutes the pernicious doc- 
trines of nullification! Of this pamphlet 30,000 copies ought to have been 
printed. 

15. It refused in like manner to print, or pay for printing, Judge 
Cooper's defence of the protecting system, and Mr. Calhoun's important 
speech on the same subject! 

16. This Committee and the acting Committee of the I'ennsylvania Society 
for the promotion of manufactures and the useful arts, would not purchase, 
at the mere expense of paper and printing, a single copy of the Prospects 
on the Rubicon, a pamphlet which is universally acknowledged to have re- 
fund all the southern objections against the tariff!* 

17. The nulliners print 10,000 pamphlets per month, at an expense 
probably of 3 to 400 dollars, to excite the passions of the citizens against " the 
oppressions of the Tariff," as they are styled, and to prepare them for resis- 
tance; in other words, for rebellion. They have agents to distribute these 
pamphlets universally throughout the southern States.t 

18. These pamphlet are written with great ability, and are so plausible, 
although utterly fallacious,as.to delude the mass of the readers, to whom the 
arguments appear irresistible. 

• So highly was the first part of this Essay approved, that I have seen it in at least a 
dozen papers, published from Boston to Charleston, and from Philadelphia to Missouri. 
In how many more it was published I know not. Unfortunately it a])peared but in one 
paper in South Carolina, where it was most imperiously required. If it merit the 
character given of itlsy good judges, it ought to have been gene'rally circulated in that 
State. 

■j- So great a contrast as exists between the free trade party and the manufacturers on 
the subject of expenditure, rarely occurs. Of the Boston Report,containing 196 pages, 
there were four editions printed: in Boston, New York, Philadelphia, and Charleston. 
Two of them, to a certainty, and a third, I have reason to believe, were of 2000 copies 
each. The number of the fourth I know not. It was probably 1000. This would 
make 7000 on the whole, which must have cost from 1000 to 1200 dollars. Compare 
this with the miserable system pursued in this city, where men worth 200,000 dollars 
grudged five or ten dollars, and where many would not contribute a dolhir, to defend a 
cause on which their fortunes depended! Of Mi*. Cambreleng's fallacious report there 
were several thousands pi-inted at a heavy expense. Again. Of Say's Political Economy, 
which preaches doctrines destructive to American industry, there have been four editions 
of about 4000 sold, and a fifth is just finished, of 1500 copies; whereas Mr. Raymond, who 
wrote one of the best works on the subject extant, and published two editions, one, as I 
am informed, of 500, the other of 750, had to s.acrifice a considerable number by .auc- 
tion, and lost two or three hundred dollars by the speculation. 



16 

19. Not the least attempt has been or is made, to counteract this most 
pernicious system. A simple,efficacious.and unexpensive plan, which I urged 
on the Central Committee, and on the Pennsylvania Society for the Promo- 
tion of Manufactures and the useful Arts, was unceremoniously rejected by 
both. This plan was, to imitate the nuUifiers, and send a person to distribute 
Mr. M'Duffie's pamphlet, and others, of a similar tendency, to disabuse the 
public mind to the south. This plan, if acted upon with zeal, ardour, and 
liberality, might rescue the country from the dangers by which it is me- 
naced. Had such " a consummation devoutly to be wished,'' cost a year's 
revenue of the United States, it would have been a cheap purchase. But 
the attempt would not have cost more than a few liundred dollars! These 
few hundred dollars could not be spared for the all-important purpose of 
averting the dissolution of the Union!!!! 

20. The attention of the manufacturers was wholly directed to the proceed- 
ings in Congi'ess, utterly regardless of the effervescence to tlie south, as if 
those proceedings were not materially aftected by the southern excitement. 
Never was there a much greater error.* 

21. Whatever paltry contributions towards printing have heretofore taken 
place,have been, except in a very few instances, extorted by importunity, and 
given with reluctance, and more with the appearance of alms to the writer, 
than as a sacrifice to promote the personal interest of the contributors. I 
cannot express the scorn and mortification I felt on those occasions. Nothing 
but the magnificence of the cause could have induced me to submit to be 
placed in this odious predicament. 

22. As a plea to avoid contributing towards the expense of paper and 
printing, for years past, in defence of the protecting system, some very 
wealthy manufacturers have said, '•'•itwas a nationcd cause, and ought not to 
depend on the jnam(facturers;'"' — others, that "i7 ivas useless to print, be- 
cause people tvould not read;'' — others again, that "■ there ivas rio possibility 
of converting or convincing the southern people;" — and finally, others, #at 
"ikfr. Carey would write, and print, and publish, ivhether they contributed 
or not, and, therefore, it was not ivorth u'hile to throiv aiuay their money.'* 
This was probably the moving cause with hundreds. 

23. Let it be observed in reply to the firstobjection,thatadmittingthe ques- 
tion to be, as it really is, a national one, this fact, so i§.v from exonerating tlie 
manufacturers from the duty of defending the system, doubled the claim on 
them; mediately, as citizens of the empire; and immediately, as deeply and 
vitally interested in the support of a system on which their fortunes and 
those of their children depended. 

24. Thesecond plea is equally hollow. If people will not read,whyarehun- 
dreds and thousands of tracts and pamphlets published constantly by public 
bodies and by individuals, to influence the public mind.'* 

25. On the third plea, it is sufiicient to observe, that none but an idiot could 
calculate on the conversion of the leaders— but the great mass of their follow- 
ers are well-meaning people, led astray by fallacies, who only required to 
have the truth pointed out to them, to induce them to support the Union, 
and frown down the insurrectionary spirit. 

26. The fourth plea scorns comment. It is disgraceful. 

27. I have been grossly censured for advising a compromise, and the most 
virulent censure has come from those whose sordid parsimony and withering 
apathy entailed on Congress the necessity of a compromise. 

* iEsop has a very instructive and appropriate fable,'applicable to this case. A star/ 
l)lincl of one eye, was feeding- near the seashore. Tnrninpf his blind ej'e towards the water, 
he imag-ined himself perfectly secure, as he anticipated danger from the hunters alone. 
An arrow from on board a vessel convinced him of liis error. The manufacturers have be- 
come blind towards the south, or shut the eye which ought to be directed to that quar- 
ter — and have kept the other wide open towards Washington. 



17 

28. I urged it from a clear, decided conviction, that we were reduced to 
the painful alternative of a compromise, or a dissolution of the Union.* 
That we shall escape that dreadful result, even by compromise, is far from 
certain. 

29. The compromise that has taken place, is a severe disappointment to 
the ultra nuUifiers. But for that circumstance, they would have the whole 
southern section of the Union with them in their insurrectionary move- 
ments. 

30. There will be a desperate struggle at the ensuing election in South 
Carolina between the Union Party and the NuUifiers. From the very ex- 
traordinary exertions made by the latter, there is strong reason to fear they 
will gain the majority. 

31. If so, they are resolved to pass an act to reduce the duties in the ta- 
riff, a draft of which is prepared and published in the Charleston Evening 
Post, of the 10th inst. as follows: 

"Whereas, the freedom of the citizens of these States from all taxation beyond that 
required for the necessary wants of Government, is one of the most sacred amongst the 
rights and privileges guaranteed to them by the Federal Constitution, and the preser- 
vation whereof is essential to secure the liberty of the people, and to protect the Con- 
stitution from violation — And, whereas, it is well known, and undeniable, that a duty 
of 12 percent, on our Imports is sufficient for the wants of Government: 

" Be it enaded. That if any person shall colled or receive, or be aiding or abetting 
in collecting or receiving any amount of duties on the imports made into this State be- 
yond the said rate of 12 per cent, ad valorem, every such person so offending, shall be 
deemed guilty of a viisdemeanor . and shall be nfiprehended, committed, and tried therefor, 
as In otiier cases of misdemeanors, before the Court of Common Pleas and General 
Sessions of this State; and being thereof convicted by the verdict of a Jury, shall be 
adjudged to suffer imprisonment for a term not exceeding one year, and shall pay a fine not 
exreedijig Two Thousand Dollars,- which imprisonment and fine shall be assessed by 
a Jury ! 

" And if any person shall be arrested or imprisoned, or hjp property or goods seized 
for, or on. account of the non-payment of a higher rate of duties, such person may apply 
to the said Court, or any Judge thereof In vacation, for a writ of Habeas Corpus for the 
release of his person, or a Writ of Replevin for the release of his goods, which writs 
shall forthwith be granted him as of common right, upon proper affidavits of the facts 
alleged; and it shall be the duty of the said Court, or the said judge, on the return of the 
said writ, to liberate the said individual, or his said goods, on payment of the said 12 per 
cent. 

*^^nd be it further enaded. That all Bonds given for a higher rate of duties than the said 
12 per cent, shall be, and are hereby declared to be, void in this State, so far as the 
condition of said Bonds shall exceed the said rate of 12 per cent — and all juries in this 
State are authorized and directed to find accordinglj^. " 

32. Of what avail will the soundest tariff that the mind of man could 
form, be then.^ Distress will overspread the face of the land — and as \ 

• That this was the alternative is apparent from the whole tenor of the late de- 
bates on the tariff, of which the following is a fair specimen: 

Extract from the speech of Mr. Speight, member of Congress for North Carolina, 

June 25, 1832. 
" He really agreed with the gentleman from Tennessee, that they had staid too long in 
session for their own credit, without having done any thing on the subject. But he was 
willing to remain, if there was the remotest probability that an adjustment of this ques- 
tlon, satisfactory to the soutli, could be had. But he had no such hopes: they were 
gone. There was nothing left, but to go home, and be prepared to meet the coming 
events. Sooner or later, it was his deliberate conviction, the States should separate. They 
must part; and he was constrained to say, that, in all probability, this was the last Con- 
gress in which, if they parted without adjusting this question, they would meet in peace and 
harmony together. He expressed this opinion deliberately and plainly, for it was his duty 
to warn them. There was a spirit in the south they would try in vain to put down. 
He would with these feelings vote against postponing the consideration of the question 
of adjournment, preferring rather to have a definite action on it." 



18 

have predicted, times without number, those Avho would not sacrifice ten or 
twenty dollars to prevent this catastrophe, will lose hundreds — some of 
them thoujiands — and some ba reduced to bankruptcy. 

33. All tliis hideous state of things would have been prevented by an ex- 
penditure of four or 500 dollars a year for paper and printing since 1820, 
in addition to my heavy disbursements. 

34. What deep remorse must those men feel, to whose apathy and parsi- 
mony ttiis alarming state of things is owing! who have been instrumental 
in jeoparding the most noble fabric of governinent ever devised by man, and 
affording a proud triumph to the friends of despotism all over the world, and 
a source of poignant lamentation to the friends of liberty and mankind! 

35. The following toasts, drunk at Columbia, on the 4th instant, show the 
state of the public mind in South Carolina. 

"Nullification: The rightful rentedy, now or never. 

" Lay on MacDufF, 

" And d — d be he, who first cries, hold, enoug'h/' 
"Gov. Hamilton. He has furnished us arms and equipments. When South Carolina 
needs our services, we are ready at his call." 

•'South Carolina. She has said much, may she say less until she acts. May this be 
the last Fourth she may ever celebrate under the pre-^ent oppression." 

" [he Constitution. It must be raised from the dust — or iSouth Carolina will become 
one stupendous slaughter ground." 

Although T believe that nothing is likely to be done to avert the dreaded 
calamity — that it is at present almost too late to do any thing that can avert it 
—that the old course of parsimony and apathy will be pursued — still I believe 
the battle ought to be fought till the last hour.* A single pamphlet, by 
opening tlie eyes of an influential individual, might turn the scale in favour 
of peace and union, against disorganization and insurrection. The country 
has often been at a low ebb — and, contrary to all calculation, has escaped. 
The day before the battle of Trenton the fate of tlie United States ap- 
peared to be sealed almost beyond the power of escape. The defeat of 
1500 men, and the capture of about 1000, turned the scale. Heaven mi^ht 
as miraculously rescue us from the dangers of the present crisis. During 
the last war, often when the political horizon was obscured by the most 
Cimmerian darkness, a bright ray of glorious sunshine suddenly broke out, 
and presented the most exhilarating prospects. At all events, we should 
not be wanting to ourselves, and never abandon the great and glorious 
cause till further efforts are wholly unavailing. We ought to put our 
shoulders to the wheel, and then " call on Hercules.*' 

— ■■»© © e«'— — 
I have laboured in this great cause for above thirteen years — expended 
above 4000 dollars on it, for paper, printing, journeys, books, postage, &c., 
although I never 1iad any personal interest in it — neglected my busi- 
ness while I was in trade — lost some of my best friends and cus- 
tomers — gave up my enjoyments — excited deadly hostility — -was sub- 

f" • A few weeks since, I wrote to Mr.L. and Mr. B., ricli Boston manufacturers, offering' 
to write and publish ag-ain, in the faint hope of making some impression, provided they 
would raise money enough to pay for the paper and printing. The maximum amount 
was only equal toihe Charleston expenditure for three months— the minimum little more 
than that of two. They both declined! Nevertheless I have since printed 1000 
copies of Mr. M'Duffie's "One of the people," at my own expense— one cent of the 
cost of which will, I presume, never be repaid by the parties concerned. That pamph- 
let and the present one have cost me more than any manufacturer in the United States 
fexccpt ten or a dozen J has cxpendrd in this cause, from July 1820 //// Nov. 1831. My 
bills for paper and jM-iniing on this subject during the present year alone, amount to 
$295, of which I received gl35 for Prospects on the Rubicon, purchased by four in- 
dividuals. 'I'he balance is my freewill offering in seven months for the promotion of the 
national welfare. 



19 

ject to abuse in and out of Congress, and in newspapers,* pamphlets and 
stump speeches — and was burned in effigy in Columbia. So far, neverthe- 
less, as regards the public interest, I do not regret those sacrifices; on the 
contrary, I glory in tliem. But as regards my personal feelings, I take 
heaven to witness, I have reason to curse the hour when I engaged in the 
cause. I have suffered more chagrin and mortification by the unworthy 
treatment I have experienced from its friends, particularly in this city, dur- 
ing the time I have been engaged in it, than from all the other untoward 
circumstances* of my life, during that period; But in the gloom of "the 
prospect before us," I have two sources of consolation, of which nothing can 
deprive me. One is, that the distress and suftering which impend over the 
country would have been prevented, had the course I pointed out been pur- 
sued; the other, that I did not allow myself to be driven from the glorious 
cause by the scorn and indignation I felt at the unworthy parsimony and 
withering apatliy cf the parties deeply interested. On this point, I pride 
myself more than on any other feature of my career through life. Most'men, 
in similar circumstances, would have abandoned the cause, eight or ten 
years since. Had I done so, as injustice to myself I ought to have done, it 
would have saved me from a world of vexation, disgust, and cruelly lacer- 
ated feelings. 



I have always regarded, and still regard it as disreputablet in a high decree 
for such men as Mr. Borie, said to be worth §250,000; Mr. S. Richards, 
probably at least as rich; Mr. B. Jones, and Mr. Learning, of Philadelphia; 
Mr. Abbot Lawrence, Mr. P. T. Jackson, and Mr. Appleton, of Boston; 
Mr. M'Kim, Mr. Gray, and Mr. E. T. EUicott, of Baltimore; Mr. Isaac 
Pearson, and Mr. Marshall, of New York; and men in similar circumstances, 
to allow their cause to be defended, so far as regards paper and printing, 
at the expense of a man, who, it can never be too often repeated, never had 

* I have shown to Mr. A. M. Jones, to Mr. T.P.Hoopes, Mr. Chandler, and others,my 
name introduced fifteen times vituperatively in less than a column of a newspaper by 
Governor Giles. 

f I have used a much milder term than the case would justify, and for the correct- 
ness of this idea, 1 have no hesitation to appeal to any candid, liberal manufacturer. I 
will suppose a case. A has a suit pending-jOn which his fortunes and those of liis fami- 
ly depend. B, an attorney, who has no personal interest whatever in the suit, from 
motives of friendship, volunteers his leg-^ services gratuitously; and A, not satisfied with 
this disinterested act, allows B for years to pay the costs of court, and all otlier attendant 
expenses; and not only so, but a small portion of those expenses which he has pledg-ed 
himself to repay, he detains for nearly four years;t and moreover treats B cavalierly, not 
to say scurvily. Is not this something more than discreditable.'' Would not this be dis- 
honourable in an individual? Can its perpetration by a body of men change itscharacter? 
Is not this exactly a parallel case.' Again: suppose a dozen men go to a hotel, eat, drink, 
and make merry. Suppose eleven of them leave the twelfth to pay the reckoning. Is 
not this also nearly a pai-allel case? with this diflerence, however, that the twelfth man 
had partaken of the sumptuous fare; whereas I have never participated in the gains of 
Mr. Borie, or Mr. Leaming, or Mr. Richards, or Mr.Lawrence, or any of those other 
citizens, whose cause I have been pleading, and who have allowed me for six (not con- 
secutive) years, to pay for paper and printing, in their defence, without their contribu- 
ting a dollar. 

t It is scarcely credible,but nevertheless true, that money which I advanced in Nov. 
1827, and which the committee pledged themselves to repay, was not paid until October 
or Nov. 18 Jl ! ! and that the wages which I paid a person for distributing pamphlt- ts ad- 
mirably calculated to serve the cause, were not repaid until after five months chaffering 
antl huckstering, on the miserable ground that! had not been authorised to incur the ex- 
pense! This is a specimen of the treatment I have received, as a grateful and gener- 
ous return for thirteen years' disinterested services and oppressive sacrifices! ! ! 



20 

in it the slightest personal interest * My time, my talents, such as they are,- 
and my labours, ouglit to have sufficed. I calculate my time, as I have paid 
for literary labour, to be worth S1500 a year— but say only glOOO, the sa- 
lary of a respectable clerk, (and I occasionally applied as many hours in a week 
to this cause, as bank clerks apply to business in two,) it is for thirteen years 
a sacrifice of 813,000. I took, moreover, ten or a dozen journeys to pro- 
mote the cause, some of tliem very expensive;! for some years, when I was 
deeply engaged in it, I paid from 30 to 50 dollars a year for postage connected 
with it. For all this I never claimed nor ever expected a cent of reim- 
bursement. And surely a single spark of honour would have forbidden, that 
in addition thereto, I should furnish paper and printing, which for six years 
out of the thirteen was the case. If any further proof were wanting that 
" bodies of men have no souls," this woukl be sufficient. 

I shall, I well know, be censured for this expose. I care not. I judged 
it proper that there should be a record of the causes which have led to the 
disastrous scenes before us — of the course I have steered — ^and of the 
miserable return I have met with. 

Let me be pardoned for a moment indulging the garrulity of age, and 
displaying a little egotism. From the great quantity 1 write, it is supposed 
that I have a pleasure in writing. This is a great error. Writing is to 
me irksome, requiring an effort which is painful. Besides, as my writing 
depends almost altogether on facts, it demands elaborate research, | which is 
troublesome, and off"ers violence to my prevailing disposition for repose. 
My great enjoyments are reading and riding. For both 1 have a high rel- 
ish, and they are unattended by any alloy. Why, then, it may be asked, 
do you write? I reply, merely to promote useful objects. Of m_y two 
greatest works, the Ofive Branch and the Vindicia^ Hibcrnicse, the former 
was written to allay the infuriate passions engendered by party and faction, 
which threatened the permanence of the union — the latter to vindicate my 
native country from some of the greatest calumnies under which any nation 
ever laboured. My minor writings have advocated various public objects, 
among which, the principal have been, public education; infant schools; 

• Kven had my whole fortune been invested in manufactures, and my temporal salva- 
tion depended on the protecting' system, 1 ought not, in common justice, to be allowed 
to eo to any expense in the cause, beyond the mere devotion of my time and talents to it — 
which were more tlian equivalent to all the contributions requisite from all tlie manu- 
facturers in the United States; and afnrtiori, when my business was abundantly pro- 
tected by 15 per cent duty on books — imposed by the tariff of 1816. I never suffered, 
to my knowledge, one hundred dollars injury bjBtimportations; and had books alone been 
in question, 1 never would have written ten pages on the subject. This consideration 
should have entitled me to different treatment from what I exi)ericnced from the lead- 
ing members of the acting committee of the Pennsylvania Society. 

For one year, ending about the middle of 1820, the cause was defended in Philadel- 
phia and New York on a liberal scale. From that period, I have had three choices: to 
abandon it altogether— to pay for paper and printing myself — or to plead with the man- 
ufacturers to pay for both in their own defence, almost in forma pcnipcris! The first I 
would not do, as the subject had wound itself so thoroughly round my heart that I 
could not give it up; the second I did for years; to the tliird I sometimes submitted 
rather than abandon a cavise so vitally interesting to the nation. 

f One of those journeys, to Washington, cost me gl50; one to Salem §80; the 
others from $23 to '^50. 

X Some idea may be formed of the pains, and time, and patient labour, this kind of 
writing requires, from the following fict. Two or three years since, I met in Macpher- 
son's History of Commerce the statement of a pipe factory in Bel>;ium destroyed by the 
wily man.ijjemcnt of a rival establislimcnt in Holland — but neglected to take a memo- 
randum of the pl.ice in which it was to be found. Having, lately, occasion for the fact, I 
sought for it in two of tlie ponderous volumes of the work — but in vain. I employed my 
amaimensis to search for it. He spent two or three hours in the examination, and with 
as ill success. I once more undertook the task, and finally found it in a note at the bot- 
tom of a page. It makes but eight lines — and cost at least seven hours of weary research. 



SI 

internal improvement; the support of national industry;* the removal of 
that national stain, the oppression of females depending on their labour 
for support, by the inadequate remuneration of their industry; the colo- 
nization at Liberia; the melioration of the condition of the poor; improve- 
m,ents in the penitentiary system, &c. I have written as much as would 
make from twenty to twenty five such octavo volumes, of 450 pages, as are 
printed in London, and three fourths of the whole have been written with 
those views. I have nei^er written a line with a view to profit; never 
written a page that, at the hour of my death, I should wish expunged; and, 
except the two large works above mentioned, two thirds of all I have ever 
written have been distributed gratuitously at my expense. Of the first edi- 
tion (750 copies) of the Vindiciae Hibernicse, I appropriated one third, 250, 
to public libraries gratuitously. My pen and my purse have rarely been with- 
held from any public object; perhaps I might truly add, that I have spent as 
much time, and, in proportion to my means, as much money, in the promo- 
tion of such objects as any man in this community, and, what must not be 
passed over, tliat I never had in any of them a personal interest. 

These details will, by the censorious, most undoubtedly, be charged to 
tlie account of vanity. Be it so. We are all vain. If no person but 
those free from vanity, deal forth censure, surely, I shall go unscathed. 
'■''He that is loithouC vanity '■'■lethim cast the first stone. ^^ At all events, 
I hope it will be regarded as a venial offence, for a man who has lived 
beyond the usual period of human existence, and who of course is on 
the verge of eternity, to tear a leaf from an autobiography, and submit 
it to a community in which he has lived for all but half a century; from 
whom he has little, he had almost sard, nothing to hope or to fear; and be- 
fore whom circumstances have forced him to appear oftener, than perhaps 
they thought right or proper, or than he himself would have desired. 

VALEDICTORY. 

I now withdraw from the arena of Political Economy, on which I have been 
so many years before the public. When in 1819 1 commenced advocating the 
protection of manufactures by import duties, the idea was scouted by the 
great majority of our citizens in every part of the United States. In fact, 
in the Congress of 1815-16, the interests of manufactures appeared to 
be regarded as incompatible with those of agriculture and commerce. The 
manufacturers were denounced as monopolists and extortioners, by the Ran- 
dolphs, the Wrights, &c. of that day. There were but few to advocate 
their cause in that Congress. The cause, however, has at length triumphed 
by its intrinsic goodness; and, had not tl\e parties interested been so inde- 
fensibh' and perniciously wanting to themselves and their country, the tri- 
umph would have been more complete. To have been instrumental in pro 
ducing this result, affords me the highest possible gratification. That othef 
causes have been advocated witli fiir more talent, I freely confess — but I 
feel a conscious pride that no cause was ever advocated with more zeal, 
more ardour, more perseverance, more disinterestedness — and, probably, 
none with more discouragements on the part of the persons whose interests 
were advocated. I forgive — but can scarcely ever forget — the treatment I 
have received from Mr. B., Mr. R., Mr. L., Mr. M., &c. unfit for a hire- 
ling scribbler. To the apathy and parsimony of some of these, and of others 
who pursued the same course, the necessity of a compromise, and all the ulti- 
mate consequences of the effervescence to the south, are justly chargeable. 
Philadelphia, July 20, 1832. MATHEW CAREY, 

* I have now in my possession, bound up, no less than fifty pamphlets on thi» 
subject, written during the last thirteen years, containing 2183 pages. Some others I 
have irretrievably lost. Probably there never was so great a number of publications 
issued by one man on any one subject. 

D 



APPENDIX B. 

Extracts from sundry circular letters sent by M. Carey to the leading 
Manufacturers of the principal cities of the United States. 

Philadelphia, January 8, 1821. 

"At the last session of the Congress of the United States a greatcause 
was lost. The earnest solicitations of above 30,000 citizens, whose indus- 
try is paralized— whose capitals are in a great measure unproductive— sorne 
of whom have been reduced to, and others threatened with, nan, were in yam 
presented to the Legislature of the United States. Not one ot their griev- 
ances was redressed: and the nation has ever since suffered, and wiU, pro- 
bably for years, suffer, under a policy, whose pernicious eftects are every 
where visible. 



* * * 



"It was necessary in order to dispel the dense cloud of prejudice, that 
existed on the subject, to circulate .freely the writings that had appeared 
respectin"- it. Those whom it was most desirable to address and convince, 
were not likely to purchase. Of course, gratuitous distribution was indis- 
pensable, and took place to a great extent, and at a very considerable ex- 
pense. And from the result of those exertions, it is fair to presume, that 
had they been general, they would have been completely successtul. 

"But unfortunately the mass of the manufacturers throughout the nation, 
looked on with cold, stoical, and withering indifference. The pecuniary sa- 
crifices, necessary to give adequate circulation to the proper books and 
pamphlets, were almost wholly confined to Philadelphia, New York, and 
Boston— and, even in those cities, to a very small number ot persons. 
•There is reason to believe, that three fourths of all the contributions were 
made by less than twenty persons. 

"It is incredible, but nevertheless sacredly true, that gentlemen who 
have 10, 20, 30, 40, 50, 60, and rO,000 dollars invested in manufacturing 
establishments, which are wholly unproductive, and many of them losing 
concerns to their proprietors, have never lost one hour from business or 
pleasure— expended a dollar— or made a single effort to promote a cause, 
the success of which would insure them, six, eight, or ten percent, on their 
capitals! And many of them have not even condescended to answer the let- 
ters written to excite them to exertion in their own defence. To this won- 
derful and unparalleled apathy, our failure is to be ascribed. One half of 
one per cent, on the interest of the dormant capital, which would be catted 
into activity by the success of 'the efforts in favour of inanujactures, would 
have given g<'n'eral circulation to the publications on the subject, and attord- 
ed every reasonable chance of a complete triumph. 

"Another class of citizens deeply interested in the event, looked on with 
equal indifference and e.jual impolicy; that is to say, the owners of city 
property, whose income had undergone a most ruinous reduction. Ihere 

• The number of those private circulars that I issued is incredible. Even since the 
adjournment of the New-York Convention, the number has been nme. 



23 

are in New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore, about 50,000 houses, which, 
at the very low average rent of 300 dollars per annum, produced in 1815 
and 18l6, an income of 15,000,000 of dollars. Rents have fallen on an 
average about forty -Jive per cent, but I will only assume tliir.'y. This is a 
reduction o/" 4,500,000 dollars per annum on one class of citizens in the 
three cities, owing, almost altogether, to the fallen state of the national man- 
ufactures. Yet it does not appear that any deep interest has been taken — 
any effort made — or any expense incurred by this class, in order to effect a 
revival of those manufactures on which their interest so materially de- 
pends." 

Philadelphia, September 9, 1823. 
'' Some persuade themselves, that writing will not answer any valuable pur- 
pose! that if any exertions are made in favour of manufactures, they will 
excite a counter current! that the public are tired of the subject, and will 
not read! When I hear these opinions started, I can hardly persuade my- 
self the parties are serious. Be that as it may, nothing can be much more 
erroneous. I have already stated the case of the slave trade, which alone 
is sufficient to prove how erroneous this idea is. The extraordinary progress 
of sound opinions respecting manufactures, since 1819, notwithstanding the 
culpable neglect of so large a portion of the parties interested, holds out 
every encouragement to perseverance. Mankind, in general, unless under 
some sinister bias, mean well, and only require to have the correct course 
pointed out; for through ignorance some of the most ruinous votes ever giv- 
en, have been given as conscientiously as the wisest and most salutary. 
Every man of reflection can readily recollect the operation of reason on his 
own mind at various periods — how often he has been, by facts and fair ar- 
guments, forced to abandon opinions cherished from his infancy, and which 
grew with his growth. 

^"One consideration is decisive on this subject; proves the utter unsound- 
ness of the opinions of those who are opposed to making any further exer- 
tions; and ought to excite to the exercise of the utmost energy. From the 
divided state of the public mind, it is clear, that whenever the question is 
decided in congress, it will be by a small majority. Some of the most im- 
portant measures ever adopted in any country, have been cariied by majo- 
rities of one, two, or three. And it is therefore not at all improbable, that 
a single copy of a pamphlet, by opening the eyes of some influential indi- 
vidual, might lead to a correct decision." 

Philadelphia, August 20, 1824. 
• *'It would betray an ignorance of human nature and history, to be surpris- 
ed at an extensive preference of small private interests, to important public 
ones. This is unfortunately an every-day occurrence. But so complete a 
disregard of public and private interest combined together — so complete an 
instance of ' sacrificing the sheep for the pen'orth of tar,' rarely occurs. 
There are men in this country, who, on principles of rational calculation, 
would have been justified in the expenditure of S500 or even §1000 towards 
spreading the truth on this all -important topic, who have shrunk from the 
expenditure of five or ten dollars, as if it were draining their?hearts' blood. 
There are some now bankrupt — and others hanging on the verge of bank- 
ruptcy, who, by a judicious revision of the tariff, would have been placed in 
prosperous circumstances; but who never lost an hour or expended a dollar 
in this great cause. 

*'0n a retrospection of the proceedings of the past years^ since 1819, I 
feel a proud consolation, of which neither time nor circumstances can ever 
rob me, in having, under as many discouragements as ever were encountered 



'^ 



24 



bj any man engaged in the promotion of the public welfare, made very heavy 
sacrifices in as noble a cause as ever agitated this country, except, perhaps, 
the declaration of independence — the cause of 10,500,000 of people now in 
existence and their posterity- — the cause of a great nation arrested in the 
career of prosperity by a mistaken policy — a policy discarded by all the 
wise and prosperous nations of Europe — a policy which has never failed to 
entail wretchedness wherever it was in operation. I have one other source of 
gratification; that I have descended in tliis cause to importunate solicitations, 
and submitted to undeserved slights, which no earthly consideration would 
have induced me to descend or submit to, under any other circumstances 
whatever, even if my family were actually in want of bread. And with this 
is connected in my mind an unalterable conviction, that nothing was want- 
ing to insure complete success — to place the nation on the high ground to 
which its immense advantages entitle it to aspire, but a very moderate co- 
operation on the part of those interested." 

Philadelphia, March 29, 1827. 

" I have for eightyears made repeated attempts to excite the manufacturers 
to form associations in different towns and cities, of 15, 20, 25, or 50 mem- 
bers, at three, four, or five dollars per annum, with a view to aid in the dis- 
semination of sound doctrines on the subject of the protection of manufac- 
tures. To induce them to do this, I have descended to solicitations, to 
which I would have scorned to stoop, to advance my own personal interests. 
In Boston and Baltimore I have wholly failed. In New York, nothing has 
been done on the subject, since the middle of 1820. From the same period, 
the same result has taken place in Philadelphia, except twice, on a small 
scale, and for a short continuance. Men with from twenty to one hundred 
and fifty thousand dollars, invested in manufactures, shrunk from the ex- 
penditure of four or five dollars a year, to promote their own interests and 
those of their families! Many of those, who displayed this miseratje 
"penny wise — pound foolish" system, have been since engulfed in the vor- 
tex of bankruptcy, which, it must be confessed, such parsimony richly de- 
served. 

"The object is a great, a glorious one, as regards individual and national 
happiness. It exceeds in importance any that has come before this nation 
since the declaration of independence, except the adoption of the federal 
constitution. Such a magnificent object demands commensurate exertions 
and sacrifices. No reasonable expense oi/ght to be spared. Sound doctrine i 
ought to be ividely disseminated. Societies for the purpose., on a liberal 
scale, ought to be formed. If, wholly uninterested in the issue, and acting 
merely from an ardent zeal to promote the general welfare of a great and 
rising empire, I have expended from four to five hundred dollars a year in 
this cause, is it not as disgraceful as it is impolitic, for those whose fortunes 
are at stake, to hesitate about an expense of five or ten dollars a year, or 
fifty or a hundred, if it were necessarv."" 

♦'A truth, which I have repeatedly in vain endeavoured to impress on the 
minds of the parties interested, is, that great questions, which agitate na- 
tions, are generally carried by small majorities; a single vote may decide 
whether a <luty to be imposed shall operate as a protection to the American 
manufacturer, or merely produce revenue, and destroy his fortunes. This 
was strikingly exeniplified in 1824, on the various items of the existing ta- 
riff — and lately in the Senate, on the woollens bill, which one or two more 
converts would have carried. A single essay might have made such con- 
verts, and secured the passage of that bill, whereby numbers, now in a state 
of suffering, would be in the way of receiving that reward for their exer- 
tions, to which honest industry lias so fair a claim; how deplorable, then, 



5*^ 

the infatuation of the woollen manufacturers in 1825, who could not be 
persuaded to expend five dollars a year for the illumination of the public 
mind! For small as was the sacrifice, imperative as was the duty, and 
glorious and important as was the object in view, it was, I repeat, impossi- 
ble to excite them to make any effort at that period. Half the expenses 
incurred, and half the efforts made, during the last session, if incurred and 
made in 1825, would have sufficed to secure success." 

Philadelphia, June 14, 1827'. 
*' The failure of complete success, arose unequivocally from the withering 

f>arsimonyot manufacturers themselves, whom no consideration of the pub- 
ic welfare, no regard to the claims of their wives or cliildren, could induce 
for years to make any effort or sacrifice in this great and glorious cause. 
The extent to which this impolicy was carried, is truly incredible. Num- 
bers have been reduced to bankruptcy, and hundreds crippled in their cir- 
cumstances, who penuriously shrunk from a contribution of two or three 
dollars a year, to aid in the circulation of writings in their defence. They 
have lived to lament their folly, and to acknowledge the justice of their pun- 
ishmenf." 

Philadelphia, November 20, 1827. 

" The proper system to have pursued was, to print whatever was necessary 
to illuminate the public mind, regardless of the expense, whatever it might 
be, and let that be provided for afterwards. 

" There are individuals, wiio, on the mere ground of self interest, laying 
aside all regard to the public welfare, would be warranted in defraying the 
whole expense necessary for tlu" purpose. 

" It is stated that 50,000,000 dollars, invested in raising sheep and in the 
woollen manufacture, have depreciated 50 per cent. Very probably this is 
too high. But suppose only 40,000,000 dollars, and 40 per cent. , it amounts 
to a dead loss, to individuals and tlie nation, of 16,000,0001 

"Some of the persons on whom this loss has fallen, have, for years past, 
with the most mistaken policy, absolutely refused to make the smallest sa- 
crifice to promote this great cause, and to avert this public and private 
calamity. An eighth of a quarter of one per cent, on the amount of the 
loss, if properly employed, would have so far enlightened the people of the 
southern states, as to secure success! 

" Oh God! how lamentable that such a glorious cause, in which the pros- 
perity of a great and rising empire is so deeply involved, should be risqued, 
and probably shipwrecked, by the miserable saving of a few paltry dollars! 
and tliis on the part of men, many of them worth hundreds of thousands, 
and with fortunes at stake on the issue!" 

^-.— ,^e®a<' " ■ ■ 

I annex the peroration of an address I delivered at a public dinner, in 
Pittsburg, above four years since, which is a specimen of the unceasing ad- 
!nonitions I urged on the manufacturers during the progress of the warfare 
on the subject of the protecting system, and a proof of my anticipation at 
'hat period of the state of things at present.- 

Pittsburg, July 4, 1828. 

•'It is deeply to be regretted, that while, during the whole of last year, 

the chief part of the most influential newspapers of the south'^rn states, 

were almost constantly vituperating the protecting system — inflaming the 

public mjnd by disingenuous statements of its tendency, effects, and uncon- 



26 

Btitutionallty— and preparing the citizens for resistance; little was done, in 
other quarters of the Union, to counteract those dangerous operations. 
What was done was utterly incommensurate with the magnitude of the ob- 
ject — mostly ill judged — and too late. Those citizens vitally interestedin 
the question, whom, neither personal interest, nor regard for the public wel- 
fare, could slimiflate to make adequate exertions to dispel the delusion, and 
tranquilize the public mind — and, a fortiori, those who have made none 
whatever, HAVE INCURRED A HEAVY RESPONSIRIIJ TY TO 
THEIR COUNTRY— TO REPUBLICAN GOVERNMENT— AND 
TO MANKIND AT LARGE. WHATEVER CONSEQUENCES 
MAY RESULT FROM THE PRESENT STATE OF THINGS, 
THEY ARE IN A GREAT DEGREE ANSWERABLE FOR." 



>.>H« % 94« 



APPEIVDIX C. 

In August in the year 1828, appearances became more and more aJarming 
from day to day. We were threatened from Charleston, and Columbia, 
with "a renewal of the scenes of the Kevolution^'' — with the state of ^'- South 
Carolina rising in the majesty of her strength,'^'' and placing herself "in 
an attitude of resistance to the general governments^ — and simihir threats 
appeared from different quarters of the state. Strongly impressed with a 
sense of the danger, I prepared a plan of a constitution for a society of po- 
litical economists, for the purpose of refuting the errors that caused this ex- 
citement, of which i annex the preamble. The contribution was to be 9.5 
dollars for the first year, and three dollars annually afterwards; operations 
to commence as soon as twenty subscribers were procured. I sent a circular 
and the constitution to from 50 to 70 of the leading manufacturers in the 
different states, of whom not one answered. 

The following is the preamble to the proposed constitution: 

Philadelphia, August 12, 1828. 

"Whereas a spirit of disaffection towards the Union prevails in certain 
sections of the southern States, which influential citizens are endeavouring 
to extend and perpetuate, on the ground of the assumed unconstitutionality, 
and oppressive and partial operation of the recent Tariff, and of the pro- 
tecting system generally- — and whereas from smaller beginnings the most 
awful convulsions have taken place in various countries; as history proves 
that 1000 men are more efficient to overthrow a government than 5000 to 
support it; and whereas even if this state of things should fail to produce 
resistance to the government, it is calculated to extend and perpetuate, anil 
has already excited, a spirit of jealousy of the manufacturers, and hostility 
towards the manufactures, of the middle and eastern states, and a determin- 
ation to forbear the use of tlie latter^ — and also of the live stock and other 
staples of tlie western states — and whereas this spirit, if extended and con- 
tinued, as, without some counteraction, it must be, cannot fail to be highly 
injurious to the manufacturers of those sections of the Union, thus placed 
under the ban by other sections, and moreover greatly impair the national 
prosperity. 

"Therefore, resolved, that the subscribers associate themselves under the 
title of THE SOCIETY OF POLITICAL ECONOxMISTS, of which 
the following is the Constitution: 

"Tiie object of the Society shall be to print and disseminate such pam- 
phlets cm the subject of pcditical economy, as are calculated to prove the 



« 



27 

soundness of what is styled the American system, and the fallacy of the 
theories of Adam Smith," &c. &c. 

To enforce the necessity of the proposed measure, I accompanied the cir- 
cular with a number of extracts, from Charleston papers, of the most sedi- 
tious and treasonable character. But it was all in vain. Among the 
wealthy manufacturers of Boston, New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore, 
there could not be found twenty, ten, or even five, who would sacrifice 
twenty -five dollars to save the country from civil war ! And yet these men, 
whose parsimony has been the means of fostering the insurrectionary spirit 
of South Carolina, affect astonishment at the present awful state of things! 

Notwithstanding the scorn and indignation I felt at the contumelious ne- 
glect of this proposition, I renewed the application, in the following month, 
and subjoin a portion of the accompanying circular. 

Philadelphia, September 13, 1828. 

"Although I have recently issued a long circular letter, respecting the 
extreme irritation of the public mind to the south, and the alarming appear- 
ances there, I am induced, from the daily extension of the spirit of disaft'ec- 
tion, and from the serious consequences with which it is pregnant, to tres- 
pass on you once more, I hope for the last time. The angry feelings were at 
first confined to South Carolina. They have since pervaded Georgia — and 
are now spreading in Virginia, and will probably extend to North Carolina. 

"Although it is by no means certain that the disaffection that prevails, 
will proceed to the extremity of actual resistance, or separation, yet it must 
be confessed that circumstances may arise, to produce that awful result. 
From the odious misrepresentations that have been made by the leaders, of 
facts of which they could not be ignorant, as well as from their violent in- 
flammatory addresses, it is not very irrational or uncharitable to suppose 
that such an issue is within the contemplation of some of them. If so, it 
would not be very difficult to produce a collision between the general and. 
state governments, in places like Colleton parish, Columbia and Milledge- 
ville, where the citizens have been wrought up to a sort of political phrenzy: 
and should such an event take place, every hour would add to the exaspe- 
ration, and in a short time it might be almost as difficult to restiire harmony-,. 
as to unite without flaw the fraguients of a broken .China vase. History is 
replete with instances of most tremendous consequences arising from causes 
not more alarming. The slightest spark will kindle a conflagration when 
the materials are in a sufficiently inflammable state. Tlie civil wars that 
desolated France for thirty years, under the dynasty of Valois, and which 
were with difficulty terminated by the valour and prudence of Henry IV. 
began in a riot created in a Hugonot church by the insolence of tlie servants 
of the duke of Guise. * * * * * « 

" Something ought to be done to arrest this evil in its destructive career. 
What can be done.^ Spread light, and dissipate the darkness and delusion 
from which this evil arises. This is the only remedy of which the malady 
is susceptible — but unfortunately, when a disorder has arisen to such a 
height, the cure is very tedious and difficult, and often impossible. It is 
well known that prevention is incomparably better than cure — and long be- 
fore the present state of exasperation took place, I repeatedly urged, with 
all the zeal of which I am master, the adoption of this measure of spread- 
ing truth, in order to illuminate the public to the south. But for years, I 
might as well have attempted to raise the dead." 

This letter experienced nearly the same fate as the former. Two gentle- 
men only replied in season. Some weeks afterw^ds two other gentlemen 



28 



{ 



offered to unite, 
was insufficient. 



But it was then too late — and at all events the number 
Of course the project proved an abortion. 



1— ■»>^QC«"' 



1 trust that a calm and unbiased reflection on the whole of the preceding 
facts, will result in a clear conviction that no great cause was ever so mise- 
rably managed; that the wealthy manuHicturers displayed, for nearly 
twelve years, the most withering apathy, and the most pernicious parsimony 
< — a want ot sound policy as regarded their own interests — and a disregard 
of the public welfiue; and that should the insurrectionary spirit that pre- 
vails in Suuth Carolina eventuate, as it probably will, in a separation of the 
union, they are nearly as culpable by their neglect of duty, as those who 
fanned the flame of disaffection to maturity. 



-i.-*»kH9 ® •41«<.^- 



As a matter of curiosity, I may, probably, be excused for an enumeration 
of the pamphlets I have written on political economy, as far as I have pre- 
served them. Some of them, to my regret, have been irretrievably lost. 



No, 

2. 
3. 
4. 
5. 
6. 

7. 

8. 

9. 
10. 
11. 
12. 
13. 
14. 
15. 
16. 
17. 

18. 

19. 
20. 
21. 
22. 
23. 
24. 
25. 



Pages 
1. Addresses of the Philadelphia 



Society, 1st series,* 
Ditto, 2d sei-ies. 

Report made to Town Meeting, 
View of Ruinous Consequences, 
Letters to Garnet, 
Preface to Olive Branch, (sup- 
pressed,) - - - - 
New Olive Branch — 1820, 
Memorial Philadelphia Society, 

Do. Pennsylvania Soc. 1824, 
History of Congress, 
Strictures on Cambreleng, 
Address to Farmers, 
Facts and Observations, 
Appeal to Common Sense, 
The Crisis, - - - - 

Twenty-one Rules, &c. 
Examination of Judge Cooper's 

Essay, ... - 
Address to Cotton and Tobacco 
Planters, - - - - 
Agricultural Address,* - 
Hamilton, 1st .series, 5 No's. 



2d 




7 


3d 




3 


4th 




2 


5th 




4 


6th 




2 



214 

52 

8 

56 

114 

14 
130 
14 
24 
58 
40 
84 
54 
112 
80 
56 

44 

88 
80 
20 
50 
20 

8 
20 

6 



26. 
27. 
28. 
29. 
30. 
31. 
32. 

on 
,)0. 

34. 
35. 
36. 

57. 
38. 
29. 
40. 

41. 
42. 
43. 
44. 
45. 
46. 

37. 
48 
49. 
50. 



Hamilton, 7th 
8th 
9th 
10th 
11th 
12th 
1st 
2d 
3d 



Brought forward, 



Colbert, 



10 No's. 

12 " 

2 " 

3 " 
7 " 
5 " 
7 " 

4 » 
4 " 



Address Pennsylvania Society, 
Examination Charleston Memo- 
rial, .... 
Memorial on Manufactures, 
Reply to Boston Report, 
Matter of Fact vs. Huskisson, 
Essays on Protecting System, 9 

Numbers, ... 

Common Sense Addresses, 
Olive Bnanch, Part I. — 1830, 
Do. do. IL— 1831, 

Do. do. HI.— 1832, 

Do. do. IV.— 1832, 

Prospects on the Rubicon, No. 
I. 1830, ... - 
Do. do. No. II.— 1832, 

Review of Free Trade Address, 
Signs of the Times, 
The Crisis, . - - - 



Pages 
1446 
52 
57 
8 
13 
44 
30 
24 
16 
18 
12 

22 
12 
20 
12 

28 
42 
52 
68 
68 
4 

8 

C3 
24 
16 
28 



Carried forward, 1446 Total, 2183 

Besides these, I wrote a number of Essays in the papers— of Memorials 
and of Circular lietters — whicli, with the pamphlets lost, would probably 
amount to .300 pages more. 

• These articles were subsequently published in smaller type, and considerably re- 
duced in the number of pages. 



IBJo'lO 



^ 

^ 



